THE NATIONAL TRANSITIONAL COUNCIL OF THE GAMBIA NTCG

Republic of The Gambia

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:

The regime of President Yahya Jammeh usurped power in the Gambia on 22 July 1994 through a military coup,
overthrowing a legitimate and democratic government of Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara. Since that fateful date of July 1994;
Yahya Jammeh and his regime continues to rule the Gambia by oppression, suppression and intimidation through worst
violations of the human rights of the Gambian people.

Over the years, Yahya Jammeh decorated himself with all forms of accolades and exalted himself to the status of a
prophet by declaring his ability to cure HIV Aids and witchcraft. His behaviour to all was nothing worse than a mad man.

Today, Gambians and non Gambians, opposition and independent, domestic and international have all reached a
consensus that Yahya Jammeh is a dictator, who bears no traits of a democrat and has no respect for the rule of law,
democracy and good governance.

His regime has shown no respect for the basic values of human rights of the Gambian people. He has
violated on countless times, the rights Gambian people’s rights to the following basic human values and
dignities:

  • Right to life
  • Right to freedom from torture, arbitrary arrests and detention
  • Right to liberty and security
  • Right to fair trial
  • Right to no punishment without law
  • Right to private and family life
  • Right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion
  • Right to freedom of expression
  • Right to freedom of assembly and association
  • Right to freedom from discrimination
  • Right to protection of property
  • Right to free and fair elections


As a result; the Gambians people wishes to show no recognition of the tyrannical regime of Yahya Jammeh, as their
legitimate government.

For this reason, the Gambian people especially, the many thousands in the Diaspora supported by their people in the
Gambia have formed their own government in the name of the National Transitional Council of the Gambia (NTCG).

NTCG:
The NTCG is a transitional government of the Gambia made up of Gambians for the Gambian people. It is based in exile
and operating outside of the Gambia.

AIMS & OBJECTIVES:

The NTCG aims to end to the 18 years misrule of Yahya Jammeh in the Gambia and to restore democracy, rule of law,
human rights and good governance in the Gambia.

The NTCG aims to secure international recognition as the legitimate government of the Gambian people and to
encourage the international community to cease their recognition of the dictatorial regime of President Yahya Jammeh
of the Gambia.

The NTCG firmly believes that no decent and civilise human society or country or institution should recognise
dictatorship as the legitimate government of any nation people, country or society.


The NTCG further advocates for the international community’s intervention to end the dictatorial regime of Yahya
Jammeh in the Gambia.

COMPOSITION:

The NTCG has a general membership of Gambians opposed to the regime of Yahya Jammeh. The general membership
is also headed by a government, which is headed by a President and Commander in Chief of the Gambian Armed
Forces subordinated by a Vice President and the following cabinet portfolios:

  1. Secretary General Office of the President:
  2. Minister for Defence:
  3. Minister for Interior and Home Affairs:
  4. Minister for Justice, Equalities, Religious affairs and National reconciliation
  5. Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs:
  6. Minister of Agriculture and food production;
  7. Minister of Youths and Sports:
  8. Minister of Tourism and Culture:
  9. Minister of Media and Communications:
  10. Minister of Local Governments and Lands:
  11. Minister of Health, Social Welfare and Women’s Affairs:
  12. Minister of Foreign Affairs:
  13. Minister of Basic and Secondary Education:
  14. Minister of Forestry and Environment:

POST JAMMEH REGIME:
Once it achieves its goal of removing Yahya Jammeh’s regime; the NTCG will become a transitional government, which
will only last for 2 years.
During this period; it will endeavour to return the Gambia back to its democratic status and help arrange and conduct a
free and fair democratic election in the country during that period.
It will set up a truth and reconciliation commission to deal with the human rights abuses of the Yahya Jammeh regime.
It will oversee the nationalisation of the vast estate of President Yahya Jammeh and his corrupt officials.
It will aim to introduce parliamentary democracy in the Gambia; and curb the excessive powers of Presidency in the
country; thereby making the portfolio of Presidency ceremonial.

The National Transitional Council for the Gambia will aim to make the Gambia a model for African democracy and the
beginning of a real Pan Africanism

The Democratic Transition:

Global Strategy to fight against the dictatorship of the APRC regime in The Republic of The Gambia

The leader of the NTCG for the establishment of a democratic transition, few weeks after his call to topple the JAMMEH
Regime, from Dakar, Senegal in the September 13, 2012, is convinced that this concept is actually doing its path and
collects membership increasingly wide public. Statements and rallying support, especially at the provincial level in The
Gambia, confirm this craze.

This is however not an easy task, nor a clear process to implement, the fact of the environment in which public opinion
in The Gambia. It must indeed try to put in place of the population, despite the obvious failure of the current leaders to
improve their living conditions, can express themselves freely and openly for fear of reprisals, always disproportionate
power different arms and armed service. In this regard, the advent of a new regime in 2002 did nothing to change old
habits linked to repression, exclusion and infantilization. Institutions, the backbone of the Republic, are also in an
advanced state of decomposition, with a form of "political inbreeding," symbolized by the outrageous domination of a
single party established and imposed by those in power.

For that alone, the establishment of a democratic transition process "intelligent and innovative" becomes
increasingly urgent and beneficial for the country's future.

Yet innovation, even cemented by Democracy sometimes encountered resistance from some minds clearly retrograde
apply a doctrine, indeed, simplistic, but is extremely effective when it is maintained and driven by those who have made
a specialty of support and accompany the worst dictatorships.

In The Gambia, like other countries living the same situation, these retrograde minds come together and form a sort of
oligarchy who lived off the various succeeding nomenklatura in power. Their selfish vision of the world boils down to
crass material satisfaction of their existence. They have virtually no spirit of brotherhood and equality, if not vis-à-vis
those who resemble them and maintain the same state of mind them. They are predators for the rest of the population,
they feed, poison and weaken their venom, using her to climb to the top of society while grabbing everything that could
maintain and strengthen their power.

In the case of The Gambia, it is a historical fact that the oligarchy has been installed in the capital and in
Kanilai
, close to the power. It has large means, including financial and media. The two together form the cornerstone of
their defence strategy and attack. From a numerical point of view, they are a minority, but because of the configuration
of Gambian society which is characterized by several ditches abyssal between the most privileged and the poor,
particularly with regard to the dissemination of information, culture and education, they can provide almost unlimited
domination.

However, if we give the people the opportunity to build a united force, conscious of his own value, its own power, it will
be seen that it is not only capable of self-determination, but that in addition, it can reverse a situation which hitherto
seemed immutable.

It is the role befell those who now strive to implement the necessary and beneficial process of democratic transition. Like
any large company, it is imperative to adopt some strategies to ensure success, especially when we face so broken
entities to false pretences, lies, and cynicism in all its forms.

Today we will discuss some ideas to complete this goal, and for that, we will partly build on the analysis of the
Cameroonian politician, Djeukam Tchameni, on strategies to be adopted by a people facing a dictatorial system that
aspires to liberation.

I. The need for Strategic Planning

In the past, The Gambia has seen several protests more or less spontaneous. This was the attempt of coup d'état in
1981,with Mr Koukoie Sanyang and most recently in 2009 with the General Lang Tombong Tamba. Their common point
is that they have always been the result of a blocked situation that pitted a power side and its supporters - including the
oligarchy which we quoted above - and on the other, the vast majority formed essentially of the population who suffer
the yoke of the ruling nomenklatura whose speech was and remains invariably the same from a dictatorial regime to
another: Whatever we do, we always do for the general interest. The results are not yet visible or perceptible, let us
more time, the next 10 or 20 years, you will be thankful. In the meantime, let us govern in peace, we know what is good
for you and what is not!

Almost cyclical resurgence of these situations "crisis" that gradually moved a form of fatalism that negates any spirit of
resistance and desire for profound change. The first victim is the people that makes you solely responsible for all evils.

This phenomenon is amplified since the latest national crisis trough the executions in august 2012. Because even if the
desire was great to get rid of the dictatorship maintained it is not the disappointment is even greater than, under the
governance of Yaya JAMMEH.

The style is certainly different, more modern, more direct, more pragmatic, but it has other objectives that ultimately
maintain a dictatorship more sophisticated than the last; sometimes difficult to identify, which subjugates more a,
numbing the minds weaker, and in the same vein as that encountered in other countries led by the same type of
plutocrat, converts to neo conservatism unbridled, practicing a brutal policy, made exclusion and predation diverse and
varied.

In view of these brakes, so it is good to know before trying undertake an uprising against a dictatorial regime, it becomes
imperative to assess, first, and carefully all the options, determine responsiveness lucidly the people and the opportunity
of each action to be taken.

Reminder: The word strategy is the military jargon. For centuries, the senior officers have used strategic planning
before conducting military campaigns, and thinkers such as Sun Tzu or Clausewitz analysed and improved military
strategy. "Developing a strategy" means assessing the overall situation of conflict in order to determine the best use of
all available resources to achieve victory.

1.1. Resistance to planning

Some "freedom fighters" give no importance to strategy. Instead, they adopt negative attitudes vis-à-vis planning. This
resistance to strategic planning is manifested in several forms, the most important are:
Dreamers, this group of fighters naively think that it is enough to affirm and visualize his goals firmly so that things
change.

Patient believe they need to stay true to its sustainable principles and ideals that sooner or later they will realize. Affirm
its goals and remain true to its ideals are admirable qualities, but they are insufficient to break the status quo. It is here
that there are often those who stubbornly do nothing to remove the dictatorship through the ballot box. Naively
forgetting that a dictator has' dictatorship in him "that precisely because it prevents, by all means, alternating emerge.

The third category are distracted. They recognize the need to plan an action, but they are short-term and purely
tactical. They are not trying to develop a plan of action or a long-term strategy. They let themselves easily diverted from
their main objectives, allowing himself distracted by all the actions of their opponents. Many "intellectual elite" in The
Gambia belong to this category, as "nonsense" approach and actions of the authoritarian leader makes them believe
that the dictatorship will not last forever. However, they forget that this form of governance, prevents a "rational opinion"
of the situation since the dictator's jokes and finished by reaching engulf the heart of the "reason" by replacing it with
"the emotion, "making it more permeable to the" distraction ".

The naysayers do not hesitate to plan because at the bottom of themselves, they do not believe in victory. They are
convinced of the rightness of the cause, but believe that the opponent is too powerful. Those who belong to this
category are the very ones that the presidential party "recruits" as candidates to justify in the eyes of international
opinion, the parody of democracy in The Gambia. Many members of the former regime, are also part of this category
because they started various steps of allegiance to the current regime, thus preferring submission to the dictatorship,
rather than fight against it.

Naturally, the freedom fighters who do not realize the importance of a carefully designed strategy will never achieve their
goals. They are constantly on the defensive, responding to the initiatives of the dictatorial regime rather than to plan a
strategy, win some battles, but ultimately losing the war against oppression.

1.2. Levels of planning and action

War is made up of several campaigns. Each campaign consists of many battles and each battle includes several actions
that use various techniques and methods. There are different levels of planning and action.

The general strategy for the overall situation of a National crisis. It takes into account all the resources of field
operations for the duration of the conflict. Corporate Strategy is the responsibility of the highest political authority. At this
level, the task is completed by selecting the option best suited to the situation of conflict.

A campaign is a series of battles with the goal turnaround strategy. Campaign strategy operates within the framework of
the overall strategy, but covers only part of the situation. Because victory campaign usually means a turning point in the
war, campaign strategies must, therefore, developed with great care.

Is the tactical combat. A tactic is a plan of action based on the restricted best use of available resources to achieve a
specific objective within a given battle. Unlike the strategy, tactics involved in a short-term limited and theater is
performed by a limited number of people. Techniques and methods are the specific means used to achieve tactical
objectives.

1.3. Strategic Planning

To increase the chances of success, resistance leaders should formulate a comprehensive strategy can enhance the
capacity of oppressed people, to weaken and destroy the dictatorial regime and to establish a sustainable democracy.
To develop such a strategy, it is necessary to carefully consider the overall situation and options.

Strategists must in particular address the following questions:
What are the strengths and weaknesses of the dictatorial regime?
What are the strengths and weaknesses of the democratic forces and the population?
What are the opportunities and threats for both national and international dictatorship than the democratic movement?
What is the status of third parties, who are not directly involved in the conflict can help the dictatorial regime or
movement for democracy? By what means?

II. Analysis of strategic options

Several "options" available to "freedom fighters", the NTCG, to fight against the dictatorial system: There is a "direct
negotiations with the dictator" in order to signify the discomfort people daily lives and determine set the most appropriate
solutions to remedy and there is also "the right to non-indifference of the international community" against a people in
danger, often embodied in "foreign countries" through "arrests" unanimous or not the "community" called international
vis-à-vis leaders dictators ago "election" considered the only way "acceptable" for a democratic, it is the "coup" as
solution ultimate hunt dictatorship. And finally there is the "non-violent popular uprising," as the ultimate duty to make
the people to get out of an oppressive regime.

The analysis of these options will reveal that the process of democratic transition advocated by the NTCG is the best
option.

2.1. Negotiations
Negotiations are a very useful tool in solving certain types of conflict, and should be used whenever they are
appropriate. However, when the conflict is crucial issues such as fundamental freedoms, negotiations could not be by
themselves a way to arrive at a mutually satisfactory conditions for the dictator and the people oppressed.

You must have a good knowledge of the negotiation process. In a negotiation, the accuracy of different opinions does
not determine the content of the negotiated agreement. Agreement does not necessarily reflect the wrongs of each
other, or points on which they are right. Although these points are contained in the agenda, it is not reached an
agreement after an evaluation of forces. In other words, the agreement is always the result of the evaluation of the
balance of power between the parties involved and the likely outcome of open combat.

That said, in the present state of things, it is not surprising that with opposition "divided", the regime does not much of a
dialogue possible, to address the critical issues facing the population of The Gambia.

It is therefore necessary to focus above all resistance, and maintain it before thinking about negotiations. This is
essential to achieve a change in conflict with fundamental issues. Resistance changes the balance of power between
the oppressor and the oppressed, making meaningful and productive negotiations. When the stakes are high, the rule
should be "first fight to change the balance of power, and negotiate in order to consolidate its position.

2.2. The Savior Stranger
Many people living under a brutal dictatorship come to believe that the oppressed can not free themselves by their own
efforts. They are pinning their hopes on outside forces that could be "international public opinion", the type of the United
Nations, or any country.

This type of scenario may seem comforting, but waiting for a savior foreign serious problems:

Very often, no savior foreign occurs. Foreign countries have an incredible tolerance for dictators who can spare their
political or economic interests. In addition, if a foreign country involved should always be wary because if he does, his
action will concentrate on exercise economic control, political or military in the country. Finally, foreign countries
generally do participate actively in the resolution of a crisis if the resistance movement inside the country has already
started the fight against dictatorship.

Dictatorship exists because of the distribution of power in the country. Although it can benefit from external support, its
survival depends primarily on internal factors. Similarly, international pressure may be useful to the freedom fighters
only when supporting a powerful internal resistance movement.

The sad fact is this: The fall of a dictatorship depends on the strength of the oppressed people, his determination, her
confidence, and methods of resistance. A liberation struggle is a struggle in which we must first rely on its own forces.

2.3. Elections

Elections under a dictatorship are not a significant instrument of political change. Some dictatorial regimes hold sham
elections to give a democratic facade.
These elections are simply plebiscites strictly controlled to ensure legitimacy candidates nominated by the dictator.

In the case where opposition candidates were actually elected, the results are simply ignored and the "victors"
intimidated, arrested, or worse executed.

Seen in Kenya, Russia and now in Zimbabwe. In the case of The Gambia, this fact is a constant since 1994.

It is not the nature of dictators to hold free and transparent elections likely to oust him from power.

There is a formula invented by the infamous former president of Congo, Lissouba to illustrate this mentality: "We do not
hold an election to lose! ". Everyone knows that as long as the elections are organized by the dictatorial power, there will
never be a democratic change possible. Never in history has an election alone was enough to bring down a dictatorial
regime. In cases where the elections were successful, they were strongly supported by armed conflict, a popular
uprising or a coup.

2.4. The coup
Faced with the impossibility of obtaining change through the ballot box, some veterans consider the "coup" as one of the
fastest ways and the easiest to get rid of the dictatorship

However, this method has serious drawbacks. Under a dictatorial regime, the opposition and civil society are very weak
compared to a government that concentrates too much power in his. If this balance of power is not reversed through the
struggle for the overthrow of the dictator, the new leaders can, too, if they wish, create a new dictatorship.

This is why the action of the NTCG is highly relevant because it prevents a sudden advent come to hunt the current
dictatorship. So, to achieve lasting social change, the people must engage and participate in the fight that lead to his
release. Conscious of his strength, he will have his say in the selection of new leaders. This is even more important in
many cases, coups organized by soldiers loyal to the former regime are designed to divert the people's struggle from
making the dictator while maintaining the dictatorial system. A "palace revolution" or a coup are not welcome. The non-
participation of the masses makes the process undemocratic and illegitimate. The outcome of the coup is rarely
democracy.

It is for these reasons that the action of NTCG is the most likely to ensure a lesser evil to the country, as the spectrum of
a coup remains as its cause, that is to say, conditions "socio political" that fuel will not be resolved, at least treated
properly. They also explain the reasons for the failure of all the transition process in The Gambia until done, because
they were the work of a few "elite" policy. However, the "mass participation" is essential for successful and legitimate
action of Transition.

2.5. The non-violent popular uprisings

Is a strategic option for those who want both peace and freedom. A non-violent popular uprising is a political revolution
against an oppressive regime through the use of non-cooperation and civil political defiance. And this is the "option"
chosen by the NTCG and for which he uses the Gambian population.

This political strategy is based on the popular mobilization, it is based on the idea that the holder of the legitimacy of the
people is sovereign. "When the government violates the rights of the people, insurrection is for the people or any
section of the people, the most basic of rights and the most sacred of duties".

Non-civilian cooperation is for the people to exercise its legitimate refusal against leaders who do not conform to their
aspirations. Advocates political defiance defiant and confrontational vis-à-vis the dictatorship. As non-cooperation is a
form of passive resistance, as political defiance requires active resistance. The intelligent combination of two forms of
resistance removes any legitimacy to the regime and ensure the victory of the People.

"Non-cooperation" has already been initiated by the people's refusal to endorse the "sham elections" that the regime
has held since 2011, with an average rate of 83% on the entire national territory.

Against an opponent with powerful financial and military, and enjoying strong international complicity, the Gambian
people to use a new political tactic. One tactic that can turn the power of the dictator in a disadvantage for the latter. In
this tactical action distrust People's Political cornered the dictatorial power to the excessive use of force, which turns
against the regime politically, weakening and strengthening the democratic movement.

Properly applied, this tactic would force the dictator to unmask and drop the facade of democratic power. This results in
widespread condemnation of the regime internationally, growing divisions in his own camp, and especially an increased
mobilization and resistance growing population.

If the NTCG chose the option of "democratic resistance" legal and legitimate, through a "general awareness of the
population," it is precisely to allow The Gambia to succeed the phase of the Transition smartest way possible. And even
if the plan works, by all means, prevent to realize this noble "civic duty", NTCG controlling its own "agenda" of action,
without being distracted by the oligarchy and its media structure it does run at full speed, come easily to implement the
reintroduction of democratic conditions in the country.


However, it is also, essentially, to raise here all "prejudices" heavily exploited by the ruling oligarchy to undermine the
courage of the people to fight dictatorship

Prejudices about non-violence

A series of misconceptions and prejudices have prevented the understanding of non-violent struggle. Here are some
clarifications:
Some believe that violence is rapidly and non-violence takes longer. Both ideas are false. A war can last and not a
popular uprising can topple a military power in a few hours.

The non-violent fighting is often perceived as weak, unmanly. Non-violence is not confined to low. It requires great
strength of character, courage and wisdom against a violent opponent. Non-violence is the only chance for peace, it
makes legitimate armed struggle if the dictator does not give the Democrats nonviolent. The infantryman is not manlier
than the sailor.

The non-violent struggle is not based on religious beliefs or ethical principles. Responsible citizen reaches the non-
violent strategy "after" not "before" analysis of all available options. It is chosen because we are convinced that this is
the best options at any given time for a given conflict. This strategy will not be chosen or abandoned if it does not match
or more to the overall situation of conflict.
Although many believe that this technique can only succeed against those who fight for democratic and humanitarian
causes, it has sometimes been successful against brutal regimes.The three stages of a non-violent popular uprising

That is, the process of democratic transition should normally follow the following 3 steps for success is guaranteed in
favor of general interest:

Capacity building: Arming the people of knowledge and technical control. This is what the NTCG and all those who
aspire to democracy are currently: Inform people of the situation, the need for another mode of governance than that
imposed by the current regime. Inform people of the danger posed to him, "the sale of land of his ancestors" to foreign
multinationals who are only interested in the riches of Madagascar and not the future of its people. Challenge the
national and international opinion on the lies propagated by the regime to better conceal his dictatorship ...

The seizure of power: Take the power (Develop the transitional period) and give it to people (Organize an early election
of a democratic, transparent and free). The takeover will enable freedom fighters clean up "the socio-economic
environment" as well as the political climate facing the Malagasy society.

This is the implementation of the transitional period in order to organize a "free and transparent elections" through
Independent National Electoral Commission, and healthy conditions of political practices ...

Democratic consolidation: The People can use the power to ensure their well-being through democratic governance by
elected officials from conducting a free and transparent elections, a governance marked by the fundamental principles
of the Republic as freedom, the rule of law, the Fihavanana previously set by the Transitional period etc..

The issue of confidentiality in strategic planning
Be aware that the privacy and covert operations pose serious challenges to a movement that uses the strategy of non-
violence. It is often impossible to prevent the political police and intelligence agents know the intentions and plans of a
legal political movement. Generally, the secret fear induced, cooled the ardor of militants and therefore limit the number
of participants in a given action. It also creates suspicions and accusations, often unjustified, within the movement -
each wondering who the mole is. By cons, clarity about the intentions and transparency in relation to the mechanisms of
decision making, enables the involvement of a large number of people across the country and even abroad.

Often it's hard to tell the difference between what should be secret and what should not be. A comprehensive strategy
and campaign strategies should be widely disseminated. The population must be aware in order to participate
intelligently in actions and slogans of the movement for a democratic transition.
In the tactical field, however, a degree of discretion is required. Surprise the enemy greatly increases the chances of
success in tactical manoeuvers.

The methods can also be secret but it is important that the public know what methods are clearly unacceptable
movement: eg murder, robbery, rape, damage etc…

This allows the democratic movement to protect against the infiltration of agents provocateurs.
Finally, editing, printing and distribution of underground publications, the use of radio waves within the country, and the
collection of information on the operations of dictatorship are among the types of actions that are absolutely remain
confidential.
In summary, the overall strategy to be unveiled, but the tactics and methods should be secret. The enemy may well
know what will be done but it must ignore when, where, and how.
To conclude, we find that the action of the NTCG is the one to follow. In this sense, it is our duty to educate the entire
population in The Gambia to adhere to the noble struggle for national liberation. Mass participation is essential to the
success and great vigilance on media practices deployed by the ruling oligarchy in order to maintain the dictatorship is
required. Inform the public, in all regions in the world, so that the current dictatorship ceases and it can no longer lead to
another dictatorship in the future.

The National transitional Council of The Gambia has been created for the Gambian people, our main aim is to give back
the power of the democracy and establish the third Republic trough an early presidential election.


SHEIK SIDIA BAYO

NTCG LEADER